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Finally, the Strategic Concept describes the means NATO will use to maximise efficiency, improve working methods and spend its resources more wisely in view of the priorities identified in this concept. After the withdrawal of France from the integrated military structure in , it was decided that responsibility for all defence matters in which France did not participate was given to the DPC, of which France was not a member.

Before reaching the NAC, there are many stages of discussion, negotiating and drafting that take place. Interestingly, during the Cold War, strategic concepts were principally drawn up by the military for approval by the political authorities of the Alliance. They were classified documents with military references MC , which are now accessible to the public.

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Since the end of the Cold War, the drafting has clearly been led by political authorities, who have been advised by the military. In addition, the , and the Strategic Concepts were conceived and written to be issued as unclassified documents and released to the public.

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The added novelty of the Strategic Concept was the importance given to the process of producing the document. The process of reflection, consultations and drafting of the Strategic Concept was perceived as an opportunity to build understanding and support across numerous constituencies and stakeholders so as to re-engage and re-commit NATO Allies to the renewed core principles, roles and policies of the Alliance. In addition, the debate was broadened to invite the interested public, as well as experts, to contribute.

From a broader approach was adopted where the notions of cooperation and security complemented the basic concepts of deterrence and defence. From to , international relations were dominated by bipolar confrontation between East and West. The emphasis was more on mutual tension and confrontation than it was on dialogue and cooperation. This led to an often dangerous and expensive arms race. As mentioned above, four Strategic Concepts were issued during this period.

In addition, two key reports were also published during those four decades: the Report of the Committee of Three December and the Harmel Report December Both documents placed the Strategic Concepts in a wider framework by stressing issues that had an impact on the environment within which the Strategic Concepts were interpreted.


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NATO started producing strategic documents as early as October The document stated that the primary function of NATO was to deter aggression and that NATO forces would only be engaged if this primary function failed and an attack was launched. Complementarity between members and standardization were also key elements of this draft. Each member's contribution to defence should be in proportion to its capacity — economic, industrial, geographical, military — and cooperative measures were to be put into place by NATO to ensure optimal use of resources.

MC 14 enabled Regional Planning Groups to develop detailed defence plans to meet contingencies up to July , a date by which the Alliance aimed to have a credible defence force in place. These structural changes, together with the accession of Greece and Turkey, needed to be reflected in the Strategic Concept. Consequently, the strategic guidance also needed updating.

MC 14 was thoroughly revised and reviewed so as to include the information that had been previously contained in DC It was a comprehensive document, which stated that NATO's overall strategic aim was "to ensure the defense of the NATO area and to destroy the will and capability of the Soviet Union and her satellites to wage war…". NATO would do this by initially conducting an air offensive and, in parallel, conducting air, ground and sea operations.

The Allied air attacks would use "all types of weapons". There was another issue which the Korean invasion raised, but was only addressed years later: the need for NATO to engage in a "forward strategy", which meant that NATO wanted to place its defences as far east in Europe as possible, as close to the Iron Curtain as it could. This immediately raised the delicate issue of Germany's role in such a commitment. In the meantime, while structural issues had moved forward, the strength of NATO forces remained a problem. At its meeting in Lisbon, in February , the NAC set very ambitious force goals that proved to be financially and politically unrealistic.


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Eisenhower, decided to shift the emphasis of their defence policy to greater dependency on the use of nuclear weapons. However, although alluded to in the strategic documents, nuclear weapons had not yet been integrated into NATO's strategy. Ridgway stated in a report that this integration would imply increases instead of decreases in force levels.

In the meantime, the United States, together with a number of European members, called for the complete integration of nuclear policy into NATO strategy. While some Allies strongly advocated massive retaliation since it had the advantage of helping to reduce force requirements and, therefore, defence expenditures, not all member countries wanted to go so far.

A degree of flexibility was introduced in the sense that recourse to conventional weapons was envisaged to deal with certain, smaller forms of aggression, "without necessarily having recourse to nuclear weapons. Despite this flexibility, it was nonetheless stated that NATO did not accept the concept of limited war with the USSR: " If the Soviets were involved in a hostile local action and sought to broaden the scope of such an incident or prolong it, the situation would call for the utilisation of all weapons and forces at NATO's disposal, since in no case is there a concept of limited war with the Soviets.

This was particularly relevant in the context of the Suez crisis and the crushing of the Hungarian uprising by the Soviet Union in While NATO was hardening its military and strategic stance, in parallel, it decided to reinforce the political role of the Alliance.


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  5. The Report was adopted in the midst of the Suez Crisis, when internal consultation on security matters affecting the Alliance was particularly low, jeopardising Alliance solidarity. This was the first time since the signing of the Washington Treaty that NATO had officially recognised the need to reinforce its political role. The Report put forward several recommendations, including the peaceful settlement of inter-member disputes, economic cooperation, scientific and technical cooperation, cultural cooperation and cooperation in the information field.

    Similarly to the Harmel Report, published in , the Report of the Three Wise Men contributed to broadening the strategic framework within which the Alliance operated.

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    Both reports could be perceived as NATO's first steps toward a more cooperative approach to security issues. As soon as NATO's third Strategic Concept was adopted, a series of international developments occurred that put into question the Alliance's strategy of massive retaliation.

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    This strategy relied heavily on the United States' nuclear capability and its will to defend European territory in the case of a Soviet nuclear attack. Firstly, Europeans started to doubt whether a US President would sacrifice an American city for a European city; secondly, the USSR had developed intercontinental ballistic missile capabilities and, more generally, its nuclear capability. The outbreak of the second Berlin crisis , provoked by the Soviet Union, reinforced these doubts: how should NATO react to threats that were below the level of an all-out attack?

    So what should be done? In , J. Kennedy arrived at the White House. He was concerned by the issue of limited warfare and the notion that a nuclear exchange could be started by accident or miscalculation. In the meantime, the Berlin crisis intensified, leading to the construction of the Berlin Wall, and in October , the Cold War peaked with the Cuban missile crisis.

    The United States started advocating a stronger non-nuclear posture for NATO and the need for a strategy of "flexible response". Initial discussions on a change of strategy were launched among NATO member countries, but there was no consensus. It was basically NATO's first attempt to temper its policy of massive retaliation by submitting the use of nuclear weapons to consultation under varying circumstances. Other attempts at introducing greater flexibility followed, but these caused resistance from several member countries.

    This internal resistance combined with the fact that the US Administration had been shaken by the assassination of Kennedy and was increasingly concerned by US military involvement in Vietnam, momentarily froze all discussions on a revised Strategic Concept for NATO. There were two key features to the new strategy: flexibility and escalation. It identified three types of military responses against aggression to NATO:. As NATO was setting its strategic objectives for the next 20 years, it also decided to draw up a report that provided a dual-track approach to security: political and military.

    It provided a broad analysis of the security environment since the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty in and advocated the need to maintain adequate defence while seeking a relaxation of tensions in East-West relations and working towards solutions to the underlying political problems dividing Europe. Today it is also dominant in the up-and-coming Entre-Deux-Mers region of Bordeaux and can also be found in Southwest France.

    It is the companion varietal to Sangiovese in Italy's Super Tuscans and is planted all over Europe, stretching to lesser-known winegrowing regions like Russia and Lebanon. In the Americas Cabernet Sauvignon has found champions in every nook and cranny of California and among winemakers in Washington, where it complements plantings of Merlot. Country: United States - When people consider domestic wine, they normally think about the state of California.

    But there's plenty of fabulous wine coming from other states, too. Oregon, Washington and New York are also causing eyebrows and glassware to be raised around the world. Sub-Region: California - With the explosive growth that California's wine industry has seen the past several years, it's easy to view winemaking and grape growing in the Golden State as a recent phenomenon. And while it's true that California's viticultural history is brief compared to several European countries, this state's roots date back well over years.

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    Due to the enormous response to California wine within the United States and worldwide, there are thousands of excellent and diverse wines being produced within the state each year. Specific Appellation: Napa Valley - America's most famous wine region, which encompasses a varied geographical territory running about 20 miles long from the San Francisco Bay northward to the foot of Mount St. Add your own review of this item. Cabernet Sauvignon and Blends - Cabernet Sauvignon has come a long way from its role as a blending varietal, however dominant, in the wines of Bordeaux.

    United States - When people consider domestic wine, they normally think about the state of California. California - With the explosive growth that California's wine industry has seen the past several years, it's easy to view winemaking and grape growing in the Golden State as a recent phenomenon. Napa Valley - America's most famous wine region, which encompasses a varied geographical territory running about 20 miles long from the San Francisco Bay northward to the foot of Mount St.