To understand Salafism, one needs to grasp why the model of the Salafs is important to Muslims. In normative Islam it is an article of faith that Muhammad is the 'best example' for other human beings to follow Sura As a result a great many features of Islamic practice go back to what Muhammad did and said. For example, conservative Muslim men grow beards precisely because Muhammad commanded this again and again: for example he stated that he would have nothing to do with men who shaved their beards; he gave specific instructions to men to let their beard grow; and he commanded his followers to be different from non-Muslims precisely in this, that they should not shave their beards.
The example and teaching of Muhammad — the Sunna — is an absolutely central and unassailably prestigious concept for mainstream Islamic faith and practice. Knowledge about Muhammad's example and teaching was, according to pious understanding, mediated to the world through Muhammad's companions and the first few generations of Muslims.
The Salaf thus form the lens through which the example of Muhammad has been passed on to humanity. Muhammad himself said that 'The best people are those of my generation, and then those who will come after them the next generation , and then those who will come after them [the next generation after that]' Sahih Bukhari What all this means is that the Islam of the first generations of Muslims — the Salaf — is considered the purest and most prestigious form to follow. If a Muslim walks close to the Salaf in how they live, then they will be rightly guided and on the path to gaining Allah's favour.
The Qur'an even declares a blessing in paradise for all those who follow the model of the first Muslims:. Relying on such logic, the Salafi movement emphasizes the life of Muhammad, and the way of life of the first generations of Muslims. Salafism is not so much an organization, as a worldview and a way of deciding religious questions. Salafi Muslims may identify with one or another of the schools of Islamic law, but their preference is not to stray from the practices of the first generations.
They delight in rejecting 'innovations' bid'ah introduced by later generations of Muslims. Although Islam has a long tradition of esoteric metaphorical readings of the Qur'an, Salafis reject all such intellectual creativity out of hand and chose to stay close to plain readings and the direct emulation of Muhammad and his immediate followers. They delight in referring to Muhammad's teaching that:.
It is important to grasp that Salafism is a reform movement in the sense that it aims to bring Muslims back to the purity of Islam's origins. It is overtly anti-Western to its bootstraps because it opposes everything which is not based upon the 'best example' of Muhammad, and it explicitly rejects appeal to intellectual concepts associated with western thought, whether from economics, education, ethics or politics.
The Salafi perspective on what is authentic Islam will always have a measure of prestige in the eyes of Muslims, because of the doctrinally unimpeachable authority of Muhammad's example and the first generations of his followers. Salafis are sometimes described as apolitical. For a time they can be, but ultimately they are not.
When in a minority position Salafis may keep themselves separate from non-Muslims and more liberally minded Muslims, quoting the example of Muhammad who did this when he was politically weak.
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For this reason Salafis can appear politically disengaged, and even obscurely innocuous, keeping themselves to themselves. In some countries Salafi leaders have explicitly instructed their followers not to participate in democratic elections. However, just because Salafi movements can and do flourish under the political radar — as happened in Egypt under President Mubarak, who privileged them as a bulwark against the Muslim Brotherhood — this does not negate their potency to promote religious violence and jihad.
In rural Egypt today Salafis have been at the forefront of violent attacks against Christians. The ancient scholars whom Salafis look to for their guiding lights, such as Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn Qudamah and Ibn Qayyim, were unashamed advocates of jihad and the political dominance of Muslims over non-Muslims, and this doctrinal inheritance is openly acknowledged and fully endorsed by Salafi leaders. In their political teachings Salafis promote aggressive jihad' extending Islam by the sword, because this is what the example of Muhammad and the first generations best supports as taught for example in three 'classic' articles archived from a Salafi site from Melbourne Australia: here , here and here.
In short, Salafism provides a fertile seedbed for jihadi recruitment. What is called Wahhabism — the official religious ideology of the Saudi state — is a form of Salafism. Strictly speaking, 'Wahhabism' is not a movement, but a label used mainly by non-Muslims to refer to Saudi Salafism, referencing the name of an influential 18th century Salafi teacher, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab. Salafis themselves do not like being called Wahhabis, because to them it smacks of idolatry to name their movement after a recent leader. Instead they prefer to call themselves Ahl al-Sunnah "People of the Sunna".
The continuing impact of Salafi dogma in Saudi Arabia means that Saudi leaders are active and diligent in funding and promoting Salafism all around the world. If there is a mosque receiving Saudi funding in your city today, in every likelihood it is a Salafi mosque. Saudi money has also leveraged Salafi teachings through TV stations, websites and publications.
The Muslim Brotherhood has stated on its own website that it is a Salafi movement. Although this self-description would not be accepted by others, like the Salafis themselves, the Brotherhood is also a reform movement, which shares the agenda of strict adherence to the example and teaching of Muhammad. Where the Brotherhood differs is in its strategy for facing the challenge of modernity. Influenced by the teaching of Sayyid Qutb, it adopted a strategy for reform which engages strategically with the modern world and develops policies which engage with modernity in every dimension of life.
The Brotherhood is more deceptive in language and appearance than Salafis. Salafis tend to be separatist and can give the impression of being focused upon personal religious piety, which separates them from those who do not share their beliefs. Salafis also tend to speak using pious religious jargon, making few concessions to the communicative norms of others. This is mirrored in their manner of dress, which concedes nothing to secular fashion sense.
In contrast the Brotherhood's approach is to penetrate and transform western institutions, with the ultimate aim of bringing about the same end as the Salafis. The Brotherhood may seem more pragmatic and accommodating than Salafis, but this is little more than a strategic tactic on their part, not evidence of a fundamental difference in ultimate goals. Brotherhood ideologues can be very skilled in modifying their rhetoric to suit their audience, but this is not an art Salafis have much time for.
Consistent with its goal of penetration and transformation, Brotherhood ideology interacts directly with and challenges western thought. It is positive about modern science, and has developed ideological positions on challenges posed by modern economic and political realities. It has strong appeal to and actively recruits Muslim professionals and intellectuals, including doctors and scientists — many of them western-educated — who have contributed many of its leaders, and when it is powerful the Brotherhood can function as a state within a state, with its own constitution, educational system, and laws.
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Brotherhood ideology has taken account of and assimilated modern western ideologies, such as the idea of revolutions. It uses western ideological terms, such as democracy but reinterprets their meaning to reference its end-goal of sharia implementation. For example in this video , during recent elections, President Morsi was questioned about statements of Brotherhood leaders in favour of reimplementing jizya , the discriminatory tax paid by Christians living under sharia law. He replies that this was taken out of context.
Christians living under Islam, Morsi said, have more rights than they realise. Morsi also explains that the Islamic state by definition fulfils the ideals of a civil society: "the Islamic state is by necessity, necessity - let the West hear - a civil state, a moderate state, a democratic state; there is no difference between shura and democracy".
Shura is consultation as conceived of by Islamic law. A correct interpretation of Morsi's message is that when the Brotherhood tells western leaders that it is in favor of democracy, what it really means is that it is committed to uphold a strict application of the Islamic sharia. Although Salafis criticize the Brotherhood for making too many accommodations to non-Muslim thought, Brotherhood ideologues justify their formulations on Islamic grounds, by appealing to the example of Muhammad.
A key strategic idea taught by Brotherhood ideology is that of the Phases or Stages of Da'wa, or 'proclamation' of Islam. Based on the model of Muhammad's own prophetic career, the Brotherhood's ideology is that in implementing Islam there is a God-given sequence of stages to be followed. At first there is the less visible, even hidden, stage of building up individuals in their faith.
Then a community is formed with associated institution building. Finally there will come the assumption of power for the sake of Islam, whether through gradual political processes or, if necessary, jihad. In accordance with this model, Brotherhood ideology emphasizes that military jihad is a method for the later stages of the implementation of Islam, just as it was in Muhammad's own prophetic career.
Consequently, until the Islamic movement reaches the appropriate stage, Brotherhood teachings about jihad may be downplayed or concealed, especially before the eyes of outsiders. In contrast Salafis tend to be much more upfront and unapologetic in presenting their teachings. They are a 'what you see is what you get' movement. Like the Brotherhood, they endorse the doctrine of stages based on Muhammad's example, but seek to form and maintain a pure Islamic community throughout all stages of establishing Islam, which demands a consistency and purity in their public message to their constituency.
While the Brotherhood's program can be pursued surreptitiously, within existing structures to transform and Islamicize society, Salafis typically take pride in openly teaching what others may regard as offensive doctrines, even when in the minority. Both Brotherhood and Salafi leaders may use deception, but the difference between them reflects their contrasting strategies. The Salafis' focus is to attract followers through the authenticity and purity of their message, but the Brotherhood's strategy is often to gain power by infiltration and exerting influence from within existing structures.
An ' Explanatory Memorandum ' of the North American Brotherhood, dated 22 May , stated that the goal of the Brotherhood movement is to engage in:. It is not possible to engage in such a 'grand project' without concealing one's intentions, including one's doctrines, from public scrutiny. On the other hand, Salafis are willing to forgo covert means for the sake of maintaining clarity about Islam's authentic teachings before the eyes of their followers, so they openly oppose democracy and western political ideals.
Abu Yusuf d. Perhaps the most well-known Islamic scholar who wrote about economics issues was Ibn Khaldun ,  [Note 2] who has been call "the father of modern economics" by I. He discussed what he called asabiyya social cohesion , which he cited as the cause of some civilizations becoming great and others not. Ibn Khaldun felt that many social forces are cyclic, although there could be sudden sharp turns that break the pattern.
His idea about the benefits of the division of labor also relate to asabiyya , the greater the social cohesion, the more complex the successful division may be, the greater the economic growth. He noted that growth and development positively stimulates both supply and demand , and that the forces of supply and demand are what determines the prices of goods.
Medieval Islamic economics appears to have somewhat resembled a form of capitalism, some arguing that it laid the foundations for the development of modern capitalism. According to Turkish-American economist Timur Kuran , "not until the mid-twentieth century" was there any body of thought that could be called "Islamic economics", that was "recognizable as a coherent or self-contained doctrine".
But around "campaigns launched to identify self-consciously, if not also exclusively, Islamic patterns of economic thought and behavior". Islamic economics grew naturally from the Islamic revival and political Islam whose adherents considered Islam to be a complete system of life in all its aspects, rather than a spiritual formula  and believed that it logically followed that Islam must have an economic system, unique from and superior to non-Islamic economic systems.
Why should we? In the s and s, Shi'a thinkers worked to describe Islamic economics' "own answers to contemporary economic problems. Al-Sadr in particular was described as having "almost single-handedly developed the notion of Islamic economics" . In their writings, Sadr and the other authors "sought to depict Islam as a religion committed to social justice, the equitable distribution of wealth, and the cause of the deprived classes," with doctrines "acceptable to Islamic jurists," while refuting existing non-Islamic theories of capitalism and Marxism.
Mohammad Baqir al-Sadr and also cleric Mahmoud Taleghani developed an "Islamic economics" emphasizing a major role for the state in matters such as circulation and equitable distribution of wealth, and a reward to participants in the marketplace for being exposed to risk or liability. This version of Islamic economics, which influenced the Iranian Revolution , called for public ownership of land and of large "industrial enterprises," while private economic activity continued "within reasonable limits.
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Sunni cleric Taqiuddin al-Nabhani proposed economic system Nidham ul-Iqtisad fil Islam The Economic System of Islam by Taqiuddin Nabhani combined public ownership of large chunks of the economy utilities, public transport, health care, energy resources such as oil, and unused farm land , with use of the gold standard and specific instructions for the gold and silver weights of coins, arguing this would "demolish American control and the control of the dollar as an international currency.
In the Sunni world the first international conference on Islamic economics was held at the King Abdulaziz University in Jeddah in What has been called one of "two versions" of "Islamic economy" existed during the first ten years of the Islamic Republic of Iran during the life of Supreme Leader and revolution founder Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.
This was an "Islamist socialist , and state-run": It was "little by little supplanted" by a more liberal economic policy. In the s and s, as the Islamic revolution failed to reach the per capita income level achieved by the regime it overthrew, and Communist states and socialist parties in the non-Muslim world turned away from socialism , Muslim interest shifted away from government ownership and regulation.
In Iran, " eqtesad-e Eslami meaning both Islamic economics and economy It disappeared from Iranian political discourse" about The term lived on in the Muslim world, shifting form to the less ambitious goal of interest-free banking. Some Muslim bankers and religious leaders suggested ways to integrate Islamic law on usage of money with modern concepts of ethical investing. In banking this was done through the use of sales transactions focusing on the fixed rate return modes to support investing without interest-bearing debt.
Many modern writers have strongly criticized this approach as a means of covering conventional banking with an Islamic facade. King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah hosted the first international conference on Islamic economics in Along with these achievements, some Islamic economists have complained of problems in the academic discipline: a shift in interest away from Islamic Economics to Islamic Finance since the s, a shortage of university courses, reading materials that are "either scant or of poor quality",  lack of intellectual freedom,  "narrow focus" on interest-free banking and zakat without data-based research to substantiate claim made for them—that interest causes economic problems or that zakat solves them.
A number of economists have lamented that while Islamic Finance was originally a " subset " of Islamic Economics, economics and research in pure Islamic economics has been "shifted to the back burner". According to economist Rasem Kayed, while a number of universities and institutes of higher learning now offer courses on Islamic economics and finance "most of the courses offered by these institutions pertain to Islamic finance rather than Islamic economics.
Most of Islamic economics consists of theology on economic matters. Siddiqi notes Islamic economics has been teaching "conventional economics from an Islamic perspective", rather than Islamic economics. Despite its start in , as of , Islamic economics was called still in its infancy,   its "curricula frames, course structures, reading materials, and research", "mostly" anchored in the "mainstream tradition",   "lacking sufficiency, depth, coordination and direction," with teaching faculties in many cases Despite the holding of a workshop in November to arrange the writing of such a textbook, the participation of "a number of eminent Muslim economists", at the International Institute of Islamic Thought in London and the appointment of "a noted Muslim economist" to coordinate the production of the textbook, as of "no standard textbook of Islamic economics was available.
Islamic economic institutes are not known for their intellectual freedom, and according to Muhammad Akram Khan are unlikely to allow criticism of the ideas or policies of their founding leaders or governments. The Centre for Research in Islamic Economics, an organ of the Jeddah University in Saudi Arabia, for example, "cannot allow publication of any work that goes against the orthodox thinking of the influential" Saudi religious leadership.
Use of Islamic terminology not only for distinctive Islamic concepts such as riba, zakat, mudaraba but also for concepts that do not have specific Islamic connotation -- adl for justice, hukuma for government—locking out non-Muslim and even not Arabic speaking readers from the content of Islamic economics and even "giving legitimacy" to "pendantry" in the field.
According to authors F. Nomani and A. Rahnema, the Qur'an states that God is the sole owner of all matter in the heavens and the earth,  but man is God's viceregent on earth and holds God's possessions in trust amanat. Islamic jurists divide properties into public, state, private categories. Some Muslims believe that the Shariah provides "specific laws and standards regarding the use and allocation of resources including land, water, animals, minerals, and manpower.
According to M. Khan, "Islam introduced the distinction between private property and public property and made the rulers accountable to the people". Rahnema state that public property in Islam refers to natural resources forests , pastures , uncultivated land, water , mines , oceanic resources etc. Such resources are considered the common property of the community. Such property is placed under the guardianship and control of the Islamic state, and can be used by any citizen, as long as that use does not undermine the rights of other citizens, according to Nomani and Rahnema.
The owner of previously public property that is privatized pays zakat and, according to Shi'ite scholars, khums as well. In general, the privatization and nationalization of public property is subject to debate amongst Islamic scholars. According to an analysis by Walid El-Malik in , only the Maliki school took the position that all kinds of natural resources are state-owned; the Hanafi school took the opposite view and held that mineral ownership followed surface ownership, while the other two schools, Shafi'i and Hanbali, drew a distinction between "hidden" and "unhidden" minerals. State property includes certain natural resources, as well as other property that can't immediately be privatized.
Islamic state property can be movable, or immovable, and can be acquired through conquest or peaceful means. Unclaimed, unoccupied and heir-less properties, including uncultivated land mawat , can be considered state property.
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During the life of Muhammad, one fifth of military equipment captured from the enemy in the battlefield was considered state property. During his reign, Umar on the recommendation of Ali considered conquered land to be state rather than private property as was usual practice. The purported reason for this was that privatizing this property would concentrate resources in the hands of a few, and prevent it from being used for the general good. The property remained under the occupation of the cultivators, but taxes were collected on it for the state treasury.
Muhammad said "Old and fallow lands are for God and His Messenger i. Jurists draw from this the conclusion that, ultimately, private ownership takes over state property. There is consensus amongst Islamic jurists and social scientists that Islam recognizes and upholds the individual's right to private ownership. The Qur'an extensively discusses taxation, inheritance , prohibition against stealing, legality of ownership, recommendation to give charity and other topics related to private property. Islam also guarantees the protection of private property by imposing stringent punishments on thieves.
Muhammad said that he who dies defending his property was like a martyr. Islamic economists classify the acquisition of private property into involuntary, contractual and non-contractual categories. Involuntary means are inheritances, bequests, and gifts. Non-contractual acquisition involves the collection and exploitation of natural resources that have not previously been claimed as private property.
Contractual acquisition includes activities such as trading, buying, renting, hiring labor etc. A tradition attributed to Muhammad, with which both Sunni and Shi'a jurists agree, in cases where the right to private ownership causes harm to others, then Islam favors curtailing the right in those cases. Maliki and Hanbali jurists argue that if private ownership endangers public interest, then the state can limit the amount an individual is allowed to own.
This view, however, is debated by others. When Muhammad migrated to Madinah many of the Muslims owned agricultural land. Muhammad confirmed this ownership and allocated land to individuals. The land allotted would be used for housing, farming or gardening. For example, Bilal b. Harith was given land with mineral deposits at 'Aqiq Valley  Hassan b. Thabit was afforded the garden of Bayruha  and Zubayr received oasis land at Khaybar and Banu Nadir.
Naz, regulation of markets is among the main functions of hisbah ,   the "semi-judicial institution" operational from the "earliest days of Islam". Khan states, institution of Hisbah as established to "supervise markets, to provide municipal services, and to settle petty disputes".
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According to Nomani and Rahnema, Islam accepts markets as the basic coordinating mechanism of the economic system. Islamic teaching holds that the market, given perfect competition, allows consumers to obtain desired goods and producers to sell their goods at a mutually acceptable price.
Three necessary conditions for an operational market are said by Nomani and Rahnema to be upheld in Islamic primary sources: . Another author Nima Mersadi Tabari claims that the general doctrine of fairness in sharia law creates "an ethical economic model" and forbids market manipulation such as "inflating the price of commodities by creating artificial shortages Ihtekar , overbidding for the sole purpose of driving the prices up Najash and concealment of vital information in a transaction from the other party Ghish ".
Further, "uninformed speculation" not based on a proper analysis of available information is forbidden because it is a form of Qimar , or gambling, and results in accumulating Maysir unearned income. Proponents such as M. Khan,  Nomani and Rahnema also contend that the "Islamic economy" forbids or at least discourages market manipulation such as price fixing , hoarding and bribery.
Government intervention in the economy is tolerated under specific circumstances. Nomani and Rahnema say that Islam prohibits price fixing by a dominating handful of buyers or sellers. During the days of Muhammad, a small group of merchants met agricultural producers outside the city and bought the entire crop, thereby gaining a monopoly over the market.
The produce was later sold at a higher price within the city. Muhammad condemned this practice since it caused injury both to the producers who in the absence of numerous customers were forced to sell goods at a lower price and the inhabitants. The above-mentioned reports are also used to justify the argument that the Islamic market is characterized by free information.
Producers and consumers should not be denied information on demand and supply conditions. Producers are expected to inform consumers of the quality and quantity of goods they claim to sell. Some scholars hold that if an inexperienced buyer is swayed by the seller, the consumer may nullify the transaction upon realizing the seller's unfair treatment. The Qur'an also forbids discriminatory transactions. Bribery is also forbidden in Islam and can therefore not be used to secure a deal or gain favor in a transaction, it was narrated that Muhammad cursed the one who offers the bribe, the one who receives it, and the one who arranges it.
Nomani and Rahnema say government interference in the market is justified in exceptional circumstances, such as the protection of public interest. Under normal circumstances, governmental non-interference should be upheld. When Muhammad was asked to set the price of goods in a market he responded, "I will not set such a precedent, let the people carry on with their activities and benefit mutually.
Islamic banking has been called "the most visible practical achievement" of Islamic economics,  and the "most visible mark" of Islamic revivalism. However, the domination of the industry by debt-like instruments such as murabaha rather than risk-sharing products, has driven even some leading advocates and experts in Islamic banking such as Muhammad Nejatullah Siddiqi to talk about "a crisis of identity of the Islamic financial movement.
Devour not riba , doubled and redoubled, and be careful of Allah; but fear Allah that you may be successful.
The only financial institution under Islamic Governance Prophethood and Caliph Period was Baitulmaal public treasury wherein the wealths were distributed instantly on the basis of need. During Prophethood the last receipt was tribute from Bahrain amounting eight hundred thousands dirham which was distributed in just one sitting.
Though the first Caliph earmarked a house for Baitulmaal where all money was kept on receipt. As all money was distributed immediately the treasury generally remained locked up. At the time of his death there was only one dirham in the Baitulmaal. The second caliph besides developing the Central Baitulmaal also opened Baitulmaal at state and headquarters levels.
He also carried census during his caliphate; and provisioned salaries to Government employees, stipend to poor and needy people along with social security to unemployed and retirement pensions. The concept of a public financial institution played a historic role in the Islamic economy. The idea of state collected wealth being made available to the needy general public was relatively new. The resources in the Bayt-al-Mal were considered God's resources and a trust, money paid into the shared bank was common property of all the Muslims and the ruler was just the trustee.
The shared bank was treated as a financial institution and therefore subjected to the same prohibitions regarding interest. As regards my own position vis-a-vis this wealth of yours; it is like that of a guardian of an orphan. If I am well-off, I shall leave it, but if I am hard-pressed I shall take from it as is genuinely permissible. An alternative Islamic savings-investment model can be built around venture capital ; investment banks ; restructured corporations; and restructured stock market. Islamic banks have grown recently in the Muslim world, but are a very small share of the global economy compared to the Western debt banking paradigm.
Hybrid approaches, which applies classical Islamic values but uses conventional lending practices, are much lauded by some proponents of modern human development theory. In a political and regional context where Islamist and ulema claim to have an opinion about everything, it is striking how little they have to say about this most central of human activities, beyond repetitious pieties about how their model is neither capitalist nor socialist. One significant result of Islamic economics and target of criticism is the creation of Islamic banking and finance industry. Journalist John Foster, quotes an investment banker based in the Islamic Banking hub of Dubai on the practice of " fatwa shopping",.
We then phone up a Sharia scholar for a Fatwa [seal of approval, confirming the product is Shari'ah compliant]. If he doesn't give it to us, we phone up another scholar, offer him a sum of money for his services and ask him for a Fatwa. We do this until we get Sharia compliance. Then we are free to distribute the product as Islamic.
Foster explains that the fee for services provided by "top" scholars is "often" in six-figures, i. One critic Muhammad O. Farooq argues that this unfortunate situation has arisen because the "preoccupation" among supporters of Islamic Economics that any and all interest on loans is riba and forbidden by Islam, and because risk-sharing alternatives to interest bearing loans originally envisioned for Islamic banking have not proven feasible. With the elimination of interest being both the basis of the industry and impractical, shari'a scholars have become "entrapped in a situation" where they are forced to approve transactions fundamentally similar to conventional loans but using " hiyal " manipulation to "maintain an Islamic veneer".
Instead of "fixating" on interest, Farooq urges a focus on "the larger picture" of "justice", and in economics on fighting exploitation from "greed and profit," and the concentration of wealth. He quotes an ayat in support: "What God has bestowed on his Messenger and taken away from the people of the townships, - belongs to God, - to his Messenger and to kindred and orphans, the needy and the wayfarer; in order that it may not merely make a circuit between the wealthy among you. A former director of Pakistan Institute of Development Economics and the head of Pakistan's Economic Affairs Division, Syed Nawab Haider Naqvi , [Note 5] also called for "comprehensive Islamic reform to establish an exploitation-free economic system" and not just "mechanical substitution of profit for interest.
On the issue of zakat , one of the pillars of Islam, M. Khan also criticizes the conservatism of Islamic Economics, complaining that "the insistence of Muslim scholars in implementing it in the same form in which it was in vogue in the days of the Prophet and the first four caliphs A supporter of Islamic economics Asad Zaman describes a "major difficulty" faced by Islamic reformers of Islamic economics and pointed out by other authors, namely that because a financial system is an "integrated and coherent structure", to create an Islamic system "based on trust, community and no interest" requires "changes and interventions on several different fronts simultaneously".
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