Manual Nur nicht nach Labiau gehen! (German Edition)

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Neue Suche. Anmeldung Registrierung. Geneanet Hilfe. Genealogische Bibliothek Recherchen. Ergebnisse filtern. Ergibnisse pro Seite : 10 20 30 40 Nur Dokumente in deutsch. History and genealogy of the Jordan family of Harrison County, Indiana July 22, , d. Corydon, Indiana, Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika - Past and present of Platte County, Nebraska : a record of settlement, organization, progress and achievement Volume Peoria county, Illinois, Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika - My family genealogy of the Quillman, Gagel, Suchsland and Fey's He died on May 26, Jefferson Co.

Times remembered : history of the Brownlee, Farr, McKay families Waverly Township, Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika - Past and present of Platte County, Nebraska : a record of settlement, organization, progress and achievement, Vol. July 27, , Mr. Wayne Micheal Eisenmenger of Listowel, in his 50th year. Beloved son of John Beacom of Linwood Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika - Paris, Paris, Frankreich - Brimfield, Nebraska, Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika - Commemorative historical and biographical record of Wood County Ohio : its past and present, early settlement and development, aboriginal history, pioneer history, political organization, She was born on the On February 16, , : Mr.

Eisenmenger was united in marriage to Miss Lizzie Schelkopf, a daughter of John and Bavaria, Bayern, Deutschland - H Witnesses - W. Pfastatt , Haut-Rhin, Frankreich - On February 16, , Mr. Commemorative, historical and biographical records of Wood County, Ohio : its past, present, early settlement and development, biographies and portraits of early settlers and Kaiser family history The father Gil Blas Paris. Henri Loriot, directeur dbs forces I would like to note that this was the first European Council at which Martin Schulz participated as President of the European Parliament.

At the beginning of the Council he made an important political contribution on these points and I am grateful for his clear commitment in upholding the principles dear to both our institutions. It is relevant that Member States welcomed the legislative proposals made by the Commission on 23 November last year — the so-called two-pack — within the framework of the Treaties, namely under Article , and also that they committed themselves to supporting further secondary legislation which the Commission will propose to strengthen further the Stability and Growth Pact, within the framework of the Lisbon Treaty.

This is a clear guarantee that the role of the European Parliament in economic governance will be ensured until this new treaty can be integrated into the European Union Treaties. Indeed, we cannot respond properly to our current challenges without democratic legitimacy. Cooperation between national democracies and European democracy — and European democracy is embodied in this Parliament — gives us the legitimacy we need to take the decisions necessary for the prosperity of the European Union.

Joseph Daul, au nom du groupe PPE. Und was bietet uns der Rat? Das sollte klar sein. Aber es sind auch die Inhalte, die nicht stimmen. Wenn ich daran denke, wie sich gerade die letzte Entwicklung in Portugal abgezeichnet hat. Das ist die Zielrichtung! Auf eine Frage ist die Antwort schon gekommen. Und wenn Herr Sarkozy jetzt schon davon spricht, was er nach der Wahl in seinem Privatjob machen wird, dann hat er eigentlich selbst schon anerkannt, wie die Wahl ausgehen wird.

Seven pages of words and seven pages of good intentions. I think what we need now in the middle of this crisis is not seven pages of words, but acts — acts of the European Union and acts of the European institutions. Let me give you just three examples. The first is the European patent. It is a major instrument for growth in Europe, but, for more than a year now, its introduction — which is so needed — has been blocked. Why is it blocked? Because, for the moment, the big countries cannot agree on the seat: that is the reality in Europe for the moment.

On the seat! This is completely ridiculous and I should say even tragic, because, in the mean time, our small and medium enterprises are paying eight times more for the protection of their innovations than their American counterparts do. I think it is a shame to have a Council summit about growth but not to be capable of definitely launching the European patent in Europe.

Let me give a second example of this, namely the project bonds. How many times have we already discussed the project bonds in this Parliament? We have been discussing them for years. My question is: why do we not start tomorrow with project bonds in the European Union? Why is it necessary to wait for two years of discussion inside the Council and inside other institutions? Let me give a third example of this, namely the enormous amount of unused money in the structural and other European funds.

We could change the regulation immediately. You know what the problem is — if you put in one euro from the structural funds, you also need one euro from the country in question, and these countries, for example Greece and Portugal, cannot do this at the moment. So why is it not possible immediately to change the regulation and immediately to use this unused, unspent money for countries in recession, such as Portugal and Greece? That is what we need today — acts and not words, not the seven pages we have seen up to now.

Finally, I think another problem we have today is the existential problem that we have in this euro crisis. We have now secured a new treaty. We now have fiscal discipline — let us be honest, a six-pack, a two-pack, a new treaty — but how will we now deal with the high interest rates we still have, even after the intervention of the European Central Bank, in countries such as Spain and Italy?

The reason for this is that we always take half measures. We need a structural solution to this crisis. In my opinion a structural solution means a mutualisation of a part of the debt in a disciplined way. That is the proposal of the five wise German economists: to create a redemption fund. Let us be clear. My conclusion is a message to the German taxpayers. If the solution we opt for is a redemption fund, it will be the bond holders who receive lower interest rates: they are the solution to the crisis, and not the German taxpayers.

So my message today to all of you is: let us take up that proposal of a redemption fund and let us in our legislative work bring it about as fast as possible. Was ist passiert? Wir haben einen Vertrag noch weiter in Vorbereitung; wir werden sehen, wo er endet. Ich habe erlebt, dass dieses ganze Kapitel als Randnotiz auf diesem Gipfel behandelt wurde, und ich kann doch noch lesen und rechnen.

Wo ist denn das Geld, mit dem Sie diese Ansagen und Versprechen, die Sie jetzt mal auf blauen Dunst machen, hinterlegen? Ich kann es nicht finden. Die Ansteckungsgefahr muss doch jedem bewusst sein. Was braucht jetzt Griechenland? Einen Sparkommissar? Meiner Meinung nach brauchen die Griechen endlich eine ehrliche Analyse und ein ehrliches Bekenntnis zu einer besseren Zukunft. Da ist ein Antirezessionsprogramm dringend erforderlich.

Eine Sache zum Schluss.


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Wie wollen Sie das rechtfertigen? Ich bin bestimmt nicht die engste Freundin von Donald Tusk. Er hat einen ganz anderen politischen Hintergrund als ich. As a fiscal conservative myself, I should be delighted that we are enshrining fiscal discipline and balanced budgets within national laws and constitutions. We are making socialism illegal. This pact is effectively rendering all elections null and void across much of Europe. Let me say this. As a free market conservative myself who finds much to admire in the German model of fiscal and monetary discipline, we cannot impose our vision by force of law; we must also use force of argument.

We need to show that austerity is not forever, that there is light at the end of a tunnel but, as long as we cut off the possibility of a Member State leaving the euro, then we block that tunnel. We condemn many countries to years of deflation, of poverty and of emigration, with no end in sight.

Recovery will not come to many of the countries in southern Europe, in my view, until they are free to reissue their own currencies and to price their way back into the market. Nor of course can we preach austerity to them unless we practise it ourselves. Imagine how a European summit — with its banquets, its motorcycle outriders, the armies of hangers on — must look to a public sector worker who is facing redundancy because of government cutbacks.

Imagine how taxpayers in our home countries feel when every pound or euro saved in domestic spending is swallowed up by higher contributions to the EU budget. My group makes no apologies for being single-minded about the single market. We will continue to pursue this agenda of creating the single market, of further extending services and reviewing procurement rules to encourage innovation. We will continue to push for better implementation of existing single market rules. And of course opening the single market would be pointless unless we continue to open our markets to the rest of the world; the parts of the world, that is, where there is still growth happening.

But many of these actions are in the medium and the long term. There is one action, however, that we could take right here right now to show businesses our commitment to growth.

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Surely one of the best ways for the EU to speed up growth is to scrap the Directorate-General for Employment and Social Affairs in the Commission and repatriate its responsibilities to national governments. Then we could scrap the Working Time Directive, the Agency Workers Directive, the Pregnant Workers Directive and all of the other barriers to actually employing people if we really want to create jobs in Europe. We cannot create those jobs by talking about them; by passing resolutions.

In fact, we Eurocrats and MEPs cannot actually create any jobs at all. What we can do is get out of the way and allow entrepreneurs to invent things, to make things and to sell things. That is where employment growth comes from and it is also where social security comes from. It was supposed to make Europe the most dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world by Das ist absurd, und das ist undemokratisch, denn die Staaten verlieren ihr wichtigstes Recht: die Haushaltshoheit. David Cameron had you worried for a bit, you even thought he was a Eurosceptic, but it is OK.

You have had a quiet word with him and the real David Cameron is back. Whatever happened to the veto? No more vetoes any more. Indeed, Mr Cameron is now actively supporting this quite despicable pact, this plan to destroy and humiliate nation states that do not live up to a Germanic view of how economies ought to be run. Even this EU, I thought, could not possibly sink to those depths — but of course it was just a negotiating position and what we now have for Greece is diplomacy at gunpoint. It is the kind of strategy that Palmerston used against Athens back in the 19th century.

Nobody can deny today that Greece is no more than a colony. And this is all a terrible, huge mistake. Greece is not a failing subsidiary company where head office needs to come in and take control. Greece is a nation with a soul, a nation with pride, with history — goodness me, they invented democracy in the first place. They are suffering.

Synonyms and antonyms of Lumpensack in the German dictionary of synonyms

You are causing the misery in these countries and you blather on about creating jobs and growth. None of this is actually going to happen.

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And remember, these people are being driven into humiliation and desperation. Desperate people do desperate things, and I am deeply fearful for what will happen in Greece if we continue with this mad course. And of course, as Mr Barroso knows, it is going to be Portugal next. It would appear that he is promising to refrain from doing something that he cannot completely prevent and in some areas would not need to prevent.

Article 8 of the draft agreement states that it will use Article of the TFEU to enforce the agreement. However, whilst it can adjudicate on such agreements, it probably does not have the power to fine Member States for not complying with them. Furthermore, its jurisdiction does not extend to adjudicating on excessive budget deficits.

Nur Nicht Nach Labiau Gehen! by Heinrich Salomon (Paperback / softback, 2011)

Article 8 of the draft agreement does say that the Commission can initiate any action, but I am afraid that the draft agreement is not a treaty and so cannot grant that power. Article of the Treaty refers only to disputes between Member States and not to disputes with the Commission. It would appear therefore that the Commission does not have the power to initiate any action.

In fact, it would appear that the Commission will have no role in this draft agreement at all. The Court of Justice will be able to say whether or not a country has broken the agreement but it will not be able to compel an erring country to obey. If eurozone countries want an agreement that can be enforced, they will need a new treaty which will have to be agreed unanimously.

In my view it would be disastrous for Britain to agree to such a mechanism because it might be used today to enslave eurozone countries but one day it will be used to enslave us. Er hat hier von Gauleiter gesprochen. Ich wehre mich als Deutscher dagegen, dass das demokratische Deutschland mit dem Nationalsozialismus gleichgesetzt wird. Niemand in Berlin setzt irgendwo in Europa Gauleiter ein. If you want to talk about hatred, just look at what this European project is doing. We have German newspapers slagging off the Italians for being cowards, slagging off the Greeks for being lazy and useless, and we have Italian and Greek newspapers depicting leading figures in Germany wearing Nazi uniforms.

Surely the whole point is that this project that was designed to bring us all together in peace and harmony is actually ripping us apart and bringing back nationalisms. And if there was one country I really had a go at in my speech, it was actually the United Kingdom because I admitted the way we behaved towards Greece in the 19th century was not acceptable.

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Elmar Brok PPE. Zweitens muss ich sagen, dass wir diesen Vertrag nicht wollten. Wir wollten einen Gemeinschaftsvertrag haben. Aus bestimmten Zirkeln kommt jetzt die Sprache der Vergangenheit! Wir brauchen fiskale Disziplin. Damit Wettbewerbshemmnisse verschwinden, das ist meist nationale Gesetzgebung.

Das ist es, Herr Swoboda, was jetzt kommt. Nur darum geht es.

Das ist der Dreiklang. Auch dieses muss in diesem Zusammenhang gesehen werden. Jeder versucht, seinen Laden in Ordnung zu bringen. Auf dieser Grundlage helfen wir. Das ist diese Strategie. Mitterrand brauchte zwei Jahre, bis er dem Sozialismus abschwor, weil Frankreich pleite war. Barry Madlener NI , "blauwe kaart"-vraag. Waar het wel om gaat is: vindt mijnheer Brok zelf en ook namens zijn fractie, dat het normaal is om een land onder curatele te zetten, zonder de bewoners van dat land in een referendum te raadplegen?

En vindt u het normaal dat er misschien Eurobonds ingevoerd gaan worden zonder uw landgenoten, de Duitsers of de Nederlanders te laten stemmen of te laten kiezen of zij dat willen? De grens van wat democratisch kan, is natuurlijk wel overschreden. Ik wil u dus vragen, mijnheer Brok: vindt u ook niet dat de Grieken aan het woord zijn en de Duitsers en de Nederlanders, om via een referendum te bepalen wat zij als toekomst van Europa zien?

Um nichts anderes geht es. That is exactly what my group has been calling for since the start of the crisis. The problem is that you have already made the choice of a dumb , rather than a smart , approach to fiscal consolidation. That dumb approach is embodied in the so-called six-pack and it is made even worse by this new international treaty. If you really want to be smart, you can do much more. The Council could join this Parliament in seeking to put in place a real system of Eurobonds that would lower our interest rates on public debt and create room for manoeuvre for new investment.

That would be smart. I would like to thank him for putting so clearly on the record the Conservative position. The other issue that has made the top of the agenda is the crisis for youth, but it is more than the fact that we just have devastatingly high numbers of young jobless. The ECB liquidity operations may have lifted the mood, but we should not be deceived. Potentially 2 trillion plus being sucked up by the banking system by next June should tell us that some kind of transfer already is going on.

The question is: will this generation face up to it or foist it, along with joblessness, on to the younger generation? And for those who try to lay the blame on the EBA for its bank stress tests, I would like to remind Member States that the deal was a combination of stress tests and firewall, and it is the constant delay in the firewalls that has made matters worse — among, of course, a few other delays.

In fact it comes 10 years too late. A monetary union needs budgetary underpinning, without which it will crumble. But the long-term objective does not solve short-term problems. Greece will not recover in the eurozone, Portugal is a cliff-hanger, and Italy, Spain and France lost their competitiveness years ago, partly because of the euro. Transfers will not cure the loss of competitiveness.

Nor will increased taxation, as Mr Sarkozy thinks. Every time he appears on television he proposes a new tax. I wonder why French socialists still need a presidential candidate because Mr Sarkozy is turning socialist by the day. Now we also have a Brussels-based budget tsar. Mr Rehn is from a country that once lived under tsarist rule.

He knows all about it, but in the end Moscow never succeeded in imposing policies on neighbouring states like the one of budget tsar Mr Rehn. Mr Barroso, this is an important historic lesson to keep in mind — but Mr Barroso has gone. Det var virkeligt ufatteligt! Eller hvad med et land som har for mange fattige? Barry Madlener NI. Er is weer niets besloten.

Er werden vage plannen gesmeed om de jeugdwerkloosheid in de Eurozone in te dammen en Griekenland kwam niet eens aan de orde. Voorzitter, wanneer verlaat Griekenland de muntunie? U weet dat, ik weet dat en alle onafhankelijke economen weten dat. U speelt poker met belastinggeld van de burger, liar's poker.

En dan de begrotingsdiscipline: dat schijnt het toverwoord voor te zijn. Maar u weet toch ook, Voorzitter, dat een sterk krimpende economie geen adelaarsjongen baart. Hoe kunt u, mijnheer Barroso, verdedigen dat aan dat kleine Portugese pensioentje van euro per maand getornd moet worden? En helpen doet het niet eens, getuige het feit dat de Portugese rente gisteren tot recordhoogte is gestegen. De markten geloven er niet in. Het is hetzelfde als de vraag of water kan branden. Het is kansloos, mijnheer de Voorzitter. Er zijn op dit moment 23 miljoen Europeanen werkloos. In Zuid-Europa zit straks meer dan de helft van de jongeren tot 25 jaar zonder werk.

Ik dacht dat de EU beloofd had om voor welvaart te zorgen, maar in plaats daarvan bezorgt de EU ons een nachtmerrie. Graag hadden wij inzage gekregen in de goedgekeurde nieuwe tekst, maar die wordt kennelijk pas wereldkundig gemaakt als het verdrag door de Europese Raad is ondertekend. Wij zouden graag weten waar wij aan toe zijn, Voorzitter, de tijd dringt.

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Herbert Reul PPE. Da muss man auch zufrieden sein und dann weiterarbeiten — Step by Step. Wir haben doch gewollt, dass man sparsam mit dem Geld umgeht. Wir haben doch gesagt, passt auf eure Verschuldung auf. Und jetzt wird es gemacht. Nicht in der Form und nicht in der Art wie wir es wollten, das ist richtig. Unsere Kollegen waren beteiligt und haben versucht, an manchen Stellen das Beste in Richtung Gemeinschaftsrecht noch nachzubessern. Herr Brok hat gerade darauf hingewiesen.

Ich muss schon sagen, in den Zeiten, in denen Europa solche Probleme hat, eine solche Show hier abzuziehen, ist unverantwortlich, unverantwortlich. Ich bin entsetzt. Ich bin wirklich entsetzt, wie man mit der Frage umgeht. So nicht. Ab wann, Herr Reul? Das ist auf dem gleichen Weg, und sie haben es inhaltlich kritisiert. Sie haben doch nicht die Frist kritisiert. Sie haben es eben inhaltlich kritisiert, das Verfahren, das hier am Montag beschlossen worden ist, und das finde ich scheinheilig. Il ne s'agit pas seulement de condamner. Mario Mauro PPE. Noi vogliamo sostenere la Commissione in questo compito.

Innovate dunque il processo decisionale, aprendo non solo a valle ma anche a monte di questo processo al contributo delle commissioni parlamentari. Signor Presidente del Consiglio, lei ha ascoltato nell'Aula oggi l'eco sorda e cupa dei nazionalismi che dimenticano che sessantacinque anni di pace e sviluppo per l'Europa sono l'eccezione, non sono la regola della nostra storia.

Vi era il concreto rischio che il nuovo trattato minasse seriamente il diritto e le istituzioni comuni europee, istituendo norme, meccanismi e procedure esterni all'Unione e in contraddizione con le sue leggi. Il Parlamento, la Commissione e il Presidente del Consiglio europeo hanno sventato questo pericolo. Ich muss mich noch bei Kollegen Verhofstadt entschuldigen. Das liegt daran, dass Sie Fraktionsvorsitzender sind, dass Sie in Doppelfunktion da waren. Ich glaube die Verhandler des Parlaments haben exzellente Arbeit geleistet.