These visions were characterized by a functional division of city space into residential, commercial, and industrial areas, all connected by large traffic axes. In contrast to the overcrowded and chaotic pre-war cities, these rational urban environments should also allow for a modernization of society Michigan Press, , 46ff. More often than not, though, these utopian dreams of rationality and the ability to design a perfect city and with it a perfect society turned out to be dystopian nightmares. Whole quarters had to make way for large infrastructural projects which turned formerly lively areas into inhumane environments of concrete and exhaust fumes.
The connection between a crisis of modernist urban restructuring and youth seemed to be confirmed with the emergence of a new radical youth movement that made the city the stage of its protest and the object of its critique. Based on isolated campaigns for autonomous youth centres, tenants' struggles and regional protests against large infrastructural projects during the s, a new movement—the squatters—emerged in various European cities in Starting 21 James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State. Yale University Press, Dietz Nachfolger, , esp.
Since the early s Maoist K-Gruppen—a term subsuming a number of small Kommunistische parties—attracted tens of thousands of young people in search for a political home. Yet due to their dogged in-fighting over the right general policy, the incomprehensible turns within this policy often influenced by turns in Chinese foreign policy and their disinterest in current political struggles, e. Geschiedenis van de kraakbeweging Amsterdam: Rowohlt, , Publications on the protest movements in Zurich and Berlin are discussed in the respective chapters.
Politik und Organisation des Kommunistischen Bundes bis Berlin: Erfahrungsberichte aus der Welt der K-Gruppen Berlin: Despite its formative effect on a whole generation of political activists, historians have ignored the history of the K- Gruppen for a long time. Only recently autobiographies and studies on single organizations have been published. Yet not all activists were content with such a retreat into an alternative milieu or, after the founding of the Green Party in , with parliamentary politics. The concept of autonomy promised to combine the personal with a more radical political perspective.
Italian activists had emphasized the autonomia of workers' struggles that took place without being initiated and controlled by organizations like parties and trade-unions.
Harvard University Press, Rather, emancipation was sought after in spaces beyond society. The squatters' movement combined the New Social Movements' focus on the local with the first person politics and militancy of the Autonomen and the experiences that had been gained in the fight for autonomous youth centres. Neither state nor capitalism, neither institutions nor factories lay at the centre of their actions but the attempt to create free spaces for non-conforming youth that would also serve as symbolic and practical interventions into modernist urban policies.
Konkret Literatur Verlag, , esp. Zur Geschichte und Gegenwart der Autonomen.
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Buechler, Social Movements in Advanced Capitalism. Oxford University Press, , By meeting places of young heroin users and the numerous squatted houses had thus become visible signifiers of a city in crisis that was also a city of crises, a socio-geographic space in which various forms of youth deviance were produced, became visible and had to be dealt with. Scholars have shown that in contrast to the underground of the s, in which the consumption of illicit drugs mainly cannabis, LSD, and mescaline and the wish for social change went hand in hand,33 by the early s the underground had split up into a political, a soft drug, and a hard drug scene.
Despite the general separation of political and heroin scene at the end of the s, the different scenes were linked on several levels: Rock and Psychedelics in the s Chicago: University of Chicago Press, , What users had earlier felt as an unconscious suspicion or intuition - that was just a lie - became, when high or tripping, a verity. In Zurich activists understood themselves as a youth movement, demands for more funding for youth culture had been the starting point of militant clashes between youth activists and the police.
Activists' demands for an autonomous youth centre mirrored the perception of a political struggle in terms of that of a whole generation. But squatting and heroin consumption were also perceived as youth phenomena despite a relatively broad age spectrum in both cases. Youth was and is , in other words, a social and discursive construction, based less on biological age than on individual behaviour and its evaluation by those considered adults.
The category of youth conceals differentiating factors like class, gender, educational background etc. Youth appear thus as a risk both for themselves and for society and in need of strict guidance on their way to adulthood. In West Germany in these included the age of majority, i. After the reform of the criminal law in , the age of 35 For the heroin scene see p.
Sage, , 10, In other words, it was not enough to refrain from certain actions until one reached a specified age—not having sexual relationships until the age of 16, for instance—what also mattered were the ways in which one acted once this age had been reached—what kind of relationships one had and with whom. The discourse on youth delinquency and youth deviance thus became one of the sites where society's basic norms and moral values were renegotiated and codified but also where fears about its future could be articulated and possibly mitigated.
Besides youth being the result of adult attributions and object of governmental policies, it was also a means of self-identification. Further weight to contemporary conceptions of heroin and squatting as youth phenomena was added by a cult of youthfulness that was prevalent in both scenes: But youth was not the only link between squatters and heroin consumers.
Both groups were, second, driven by a fundamental discomfort with hegemonic urban regimes. The modern city was perceived as a symbol of an encompassing regime of normative values, discipline and control, in which spaces for deviating youth were non-existent. As contemporary urban theorists put it: To many youth the city appeared thus as the manifestation of an encompassing normalizing regime.
These sentiments were expressed primarily through metaphors of social and architectural coldness. Likewise, life in both scenes was, third, centred around the search for extraordinary corporeal and emotional experiences in order to oppose the perceived monotony of modern city life.
These teenage kicks could be found in individual drug consumption as well as in collective militant actions. Dissens und kultureller Eigensinn Opladen: On the emergence of the coldness metaphor see Lindner, Jugendprotest, The search for warmth and the search for adventure were thus two sides of the same coin.
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This may sound paradoxical in the case of addicts whose life was almost completely determined by the need to procure money for the next dose of heroin. Both scenes were also connected through an ideal of masculinity that was based on toughness, aggressiveness, and the willingness to undertake personal risks.
In the case of heroin consumers this could mean to possibility for identification with the peer group. They are always on the move and must be alert, flexible, and resourceful.
This is most obvious in the idea of squatted houses as free spaces, but the creation of public scenes of heroin users also included a spatial component, as did trips to popular meeting places of the international drug underground, like West Berlin, Amsterdam, India, or Afghanistan. Nach Tonbandprotokollen aufgeschrieben von Kai Hermann u. Horst Rieck, 1st ed. On militancy as a means of identification, though without a perspective on gender, see Schwarzmeier, Die Autonomen, 26ff.
Some squatters were acquainted or even friends with individual heroin users and some were consuming heroin themselves, although further research will be necessary to understand the individual perception of such behaviour. Whether being a heroin-consuming squatter meant that one was seeing oneself as belonging to either, both, or none of the two scenes, would have to be clarified in each case individually.
For although the political and drug underground can be and usually are described as distinctive scenes, for individuals it was not necessarily a contradiction to be part of both scenes or to switch between the two. Comparing heroin and squatters' scene in the early s reveals that the separation of the two was only one possible result of discursive and spatial practices during the early s. Heroin consuming youth had participated in the struggle for the Leiche'. Aus dem Tagebuch der Fixerin Heidi S.
Freitag, for an account of a heroin addict from Berlin about his unsuccessful attempt of withdrawal in a Buddhist monastery in Thailand. Still, in these instances heroin users were squatters and they were constituting one of several sub-groups of the heterogeneous squatters' scene. In contrast to all previous studies I will therefore treat heroin and squatters' scenes as strongly interrelated and sometimes intersecting phenomena. The separation of drug and political youth scene and its relation to changing governmental technologies can thereby also be described as a process that was not completed by the early s but lasted well into the s.
This approach promises new insights into the governance of youth and into the different ways non-conforming youth reacted to these governmental technologies. The crisis of Fordism and the emergence of societies of control By addressing a profound crisis of society, urban space and youth in the late s and early s this study is engaged in two larger current debates in historiography and social sciences.
So far I have described scenes of young squatters and heroin users as aspects of or symbols for a more encompassing crisis in the s and early s, namely that of the city 24 and of a social order that was experienced as cold and constricting. The experience of crisis touched upon many facets of this order—from the organization of industrial production to the rise of consumerism, a social policy grounded in the welfare state and urban restructuring processes according to modernist principles. Throughout this study I will use the term of a Fordist regime to capture all these different aspects.
Fordism in this sense denotes therefore a historical epoch that lasted from the end of the Second World War until the mids.
A History of the World, New York: Vintage Books, , Soon, rationalization and standardization appeared as desirable guiding principles for society in general. Assisted by experts, it was the role of the state to plan and control the transformation of society. Residential, commercial and industrial areas were to be clearly separated. From the city itself to the design of a kitchen, virtually all aspects of life were being rationalized. But in the early s this hegemonic model came under scrutiny. These aspects will be discussed in more detail in section 3. Universe Books, ; the German translation was published the following year.
In view of the exploding costs of social security systems economists like Milton Friedman started to demand their liquidation. To the mentors of the neoliberal project the Fordist state appeared as the contrary of economic freedom, initiative and individual responsibility.
Sind wir noch regierbar? Herder, ; Wilhelm Hennis, ed. Studien zu ihrer Problematisierung, 2 volumes Stuttgart: Wirtschaftspolitik, Expertise und Gesellschaft in der Bundesrepublik bis Berlin: University of Chicago Press, As standardization of urban space and society went hand in hand, with their demand for a non-standardized urban environment squatters also demanded space in a double sense for individualistic life concepts that did not fit into the Fordist model. During the s and s, the new project of neoliberalism, with its preference of the market over the state and an emphasis on individuality and diverse life-concepts, would eventually become hegemonic.
Dietz, , Campus, , 15ff. Although continuities did exist—from drug legislation to the student protests of —the break becomes more tangible when we understand Fordism also as a set of normalizing and disciplinary technologies. Although standardization has been described as a main aspect of the Fordist regime, the term does not fully catch the role of normalization in regard to youth and to urban space that was at stake. As the emergence of heroin and squatters' scenes as spaces for non-conforming, individualistic, deviant, rebellious youth is at the centre of this study, the crisis of Fordism also needs to be described in terms of a crisis of a disciplinary and normalizing regime.
Individual bodies and spaces were constituting each other and formed the base of an ideal social order.
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It is spaces that provide fixed positions and permit circulation; they carve out individual segments and establish operational links; they mark places and indicate values; they guarantee the 29 The disciplines76 created a mass of individual bodies, bodies that had to be subjected to constant coercion in order to improve them, make them more efficient, to adjust them to hegemonic norms. Disciplinary techniques were complementing the punishment as a way to ensure this subjection. Both techniques, disciplines and punishment, were thus complementary means to ensure the same goal: Although in his later works Foucault emphasized the growing importance of security over discipline,78 this does not mean that disciplinary technologies, institutions and spaces had been replaced.
They are mixed spaces: An Introduction New York: Blackwell, , In the industrialized countries discipline comes into crisis. Suhrkamp, , f. Suhrkamp, , Edition AV, , ff. Geschichte, Bestandsaufnahme, Entwicklungstendenzen Weinheim: Beltz, 31 organization of urban space and the emergence of new sites of youth deviance indeed seem to indicate a profound crisis of disciplinary society and the spaces it produced. And by adopting the lifestyle and values that were predominant in these scenes youth also turned their backs to the factory as a space and an institution that produced disciplined, Fordist subjects.
Yet the emergence of new spaces of youth deviance also created new technologies to govern deviant behaviour. Understanding deviance as a matter of public urban space allowed for the policing of large groups of youth rather than or in addition to disciplining them individually. One of the questions that will guide the analysis of discourses about and practices at these new spaces of deviance is therefore: And if that was the case: What kind of spaces did non-conforming youth and the technologies to control these youth produce?
The focus on urban space as a site of crisis, protest, and governance in the s and ; with a regional focus on Westphalia: See also Ulrike Meinhof, Bambule. Mareike Teigeler, Unbehagen als Widerstand. Transcript, , footnote Barbara Budrich, , The end of the planning euphoria in regard to urban space and social order becomes apparent in the wide-spread uneasiness with urban redevelopment and the initial success of the squatters' movement. But the emergence of this urban space as a site and means to govern youth deviance—and to thereby manage some of the effects of the crisis of Fordism—also points towards another shift, that from disciplinary to control societies.
Youth created spaces in order to evade the normalizing regime that was structuring society and that became manifest in urban space. These spaces were in turn used as an object of new technologies of control that supplemented earlier strategies to discipline non-conforming youth. Conceiving space as an object of historiography For a long time, historians have privileged time over space.
While in time there was change, space was conceived as an empty and unchanging container, an empty space that was populated, perceived and used by people. This notion of space has come under scrutiny in the past two decades and scholars have highlighted the dynamic aspects of space. Especially the work of Henri Lefebvre has informed what might be termed a post-structuralist current in the history of spaces. University of California Press, , Bodies are not distributed in space but actively create and shape spaces.
In the context of this study this means that youth did not simply meet at already existing spaces but created spaces by meeting at certain geographical places and that the character of these new spaces was determined by their concrete practices and that of the police. These newly created spaces did in turn structure the social practices of the subjects. Space thus appears as a process rather than as a static order. Space is also, second, the product of discursive representations. A neighbourhood or any other spatial ensemble is therefore not just perceived in a certain way, but it is discursively brought into existence in the first place: In the context of spaces of youth deviance the creation of such spaces always went together with the creation of spaces of normalcy.
And just as the spaces of normalcy and deviance could not exist without each other, the drawing of borders between the two always created the transgression of this border: This idea of a limited number of clearly distinguishable spaces that were totally different from their surroundings can be found on the side of police, politicians, and press—to whom these spaces appeared as those of a lawless, chaotic, deviant and threatening Other— but also on the side of youth for whom these spaces were liberated islands that stood in stark contrast to the constricting social order around them.
Cornell University Press, ; Judith R. Walkowitz, City of Dreadful Delight. This function unfolds between two extreme poles. Either their role is to create a space of illusion that exposes every real space, all the sites inside of which human life is partitioned, as still more illusory [ Or else, on the contrary, their role is to create a space that is other, another real space, as perfect, as meticulous, as well arranged as ours is messy, ill constructed, and jumbled.
In our society, these crisis heterotopias are persistently disappearing, though a few remnants can still be found. For example, the boarding school, in its nineteenth-century form, or military service for young men, have certainly played such a role, as the first manifestations of sexual virility were in fact supposed to take place 'elsewhere' than at home. Looking at heroin and squatters' scenes as heterotopic spaces at society's margins promises therefore new insights into the fundamental order of this society's centre.
Rather, I will use it as a concept to describe contemporary assumptions about these spaces. Use the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more. Readings of Woyzeck which seek to explain the eponymous character's behaviour as externally caused as well as those who see in him the epitome of solitary Man, alone in the universe, alike ignore the consequences of Woyzecks insanity and social subjugation: namely, the murder of Mane.
Yet this murder is by no means the logical result of Woyzeck's abuse by his social superiors nor is it a solution to his existential loneliness. This feminist reading of Woyzeck draws on theories of the scapegoat and sacrifice Girard and on feminist cultural critiques Irigaray and others to reveal the culturally determined assumptions about sexuality, love, and revenge, which make the murder of a promiscuous woman both a necessary and an acceptable outcome of the play.
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