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The pair both wore black socks and no shoes and Smith wore a black scarf around his neck. They were demonstrating against continuing racial discrimination of black people in the United States. As they left the podium at the end of the ceremony they were booed by many in the crowd.

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But if I did something bad then they would say 'a Negro'. We are black and we are proud of being black. Together they formed an arch of unity and power. He said the black scarf represented black pride and the black socks with no shoes stood for black poverty in racist America. Within a couple of hours the actions of the two Americans were being condemned by the International Olympic Committee.

A spokesperson for the organisation said it was "a deliberate and violent breach of the fundamental principles of the Olympic spirit. He has become an old-fashioned Latin caudillo.

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His ideology is no longer Marxism but simply Danielism. One thing, however, has remained constant in Nicaraguan life: for more than 50 years, the principal voice for democracy in the country has been that of a member of the Chamorro family. His newspaper was closed several times and went through long periods of censorship.

His assassination on Jan. Today, the family legacy has fallen to their youngest son. If you are an independent journalist in a country in which independent journalism is seen as a danger to those in power, you sometimes cross a line from reporting the news to being the news.

That is what is happening to Carlos Fernando Chamorro. There was one room, with three cameras surrounded by three different sets of chairs and tables. He sat down, and a young woman brushed powder on his forehead. Chamorro is He has been bald since he was a young man and wears glasses and hearing aids, and his daily uniform is a button-down long-sleeve shirt and chinos.

He is relentlessly unglamorous. On and off camera he comes across as serious but warm, with a youthful energy. Santos and Rivard noted that the Nicaraguan government recently released from jail two men convicted of killing journalists and also pressured two different TV stations to drop a talk show run by a fierce government critic. They also discussed other cases of intimidation they had heard about from Nicaraguans they interviewed — among them Chamorro himself, whom they had spoken with that morning.


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Now he was interviewing them. In October a team of prosecutors, backed by 40 police officers, raided the Cinco office and over the next 13 hours took the files, computers and books. But the government was publicly threatening to continue to go after Cinco by other means. And at least on the surface, there was something incongruous in discussing repression of the press on a highly rated national TV show. After all, in some countries, TV programs simply vanish when they begin to offend the powerful — or their journalists do.

Nicaragua, despite its recent wars, is one of the least violent places in Latin America, and assassination is not common. So it must tread carefully. At the same time, Ortega and his wife, Rosario Murillo, continue to carry out personal vendettas and stifle critics by drawing on the nonviolent mechanisms of the state: subservient courts and prosecutors; large budgets for advertising in newspapers and television that can disappear overnight if the government is displeased; control of the price of newsprint, broadcast licenses and legal permissions.

At stake is more than just press freedom. The function of government watchdog has fallen to journalists and members of civil society. Chamorro is walking point for both. He is resisting being silenced with every tool at his disposal: his airtime, his famous name, his credibility and his reputation for impartiality after the Cinco raid, writers from all over the world, including such icons of the left as Eduardo Galeano of Uruguay and Ariel Dorfman of Chile, signed a public letter of support for him.

If he loses his fight, the defense of democratic liberties will be left to people with much more limited weaponry. Chamorro makes a particularly inviting target for a reason that goes beyond the values that he stands for today. Ortega and Murillo direct special fury at their former allies and intimates.

But it was in some way in our blood. Carlos had not wanted to go into journalism. But for a young Nicaraguan concerned about social justice, a more direct route to change quickly presented itself: joining the armed guerrillas of the F. In secret, Carlos did small-arms training, studied Marxism-Leninism and went to work in the F. When his father was assassinated in , however, Carlos embraced journalism. That was the moment to dedicate yourself to getting rid of Somoza. You get on the train, or it passes you by.

He became a reporter, editorial writer and columnist. On July 19, , Managua fell to the Sandinistas.

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She stayed nine months before she became disenchanted and left. Xavier Chamorro, her brother-in-law, who was an editor at La Prensa, sold his shares and with the money took most of the staff and started a pro-Sandinista newspaper, El Nuevo Diario. Every newspaper in Nicaragua was now run by a Chamorro. I lived in Nicaragua in the mids and was a regular reader of Barricada.

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The paper was less mortifyingly submissive to the party than Granma. Sandinista Nicaragua was then an ongoing improvisation by the standards of socialist states, and Barricada was a much more laid-back mouthpiece.

It covered an alternate reality. Day after day in the pages of Barricada, the heroic people of Nicaragua and their revolutionary vanguard celebrated victory after victory in the anti-imperialist struggle. Barricada, at least, did not pretend to be independent. Inside the F. When I met with him earlier this year, I asked Chamorro for an example of conflict with the F. But this is a dispute over placement, not censorship, of an article. Was there no fight to run an article that might displease the F. There was not, he said.

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By the end of the year, just a few thousand had left the factory. The situation didn't improve much in the first half of , as Tesla struggled through an intense version of what Musk called "production hell. But by mid, the situation was under control. Sort of. An innovative Model 3 automated production line wasn't working properly, leading the carmaker to erect a temporary assembly line in its parking lot — under a tent!

As the year closed out, Model 3 production was relatively robust, and Tesla was on track to produce twice as many vehicles — , or more — as it did in The record sales year of — when A US market above 17 million is considered robust, so for the past few years, forecasts of a downturn have been common. It hasn't yet arrived, although sales have been slipping, in a month-by-month basis. And although the final numbers haven't come in, it looks as though another million-plus year will be in the books.

And then Cruise CEO Kyle Vogt stepped aside to focus on technology development as Cruise commercializes in , handing the reins to GM President Dan Ammann , who had overseen the acquisition and follow-on investments. All this activity positioned Cruise as the chief competitor for Alphabet's Waymo in the push to bring driverless services to the marketplace. Speaking of Waymo, the former Google Car project officially launched its first commercial ride-hailing service, called Waymo One, in the Phoenix area.

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It is the culmination of 10 million driverless miles racked up over a decade of testing. It's unclear how much an IPO could make Lyft worth, but it's safe to say it won't be anywhere near as much as Uber. The upshot is that investors are ready to exit both companies. The big question is whether either will be financially successful.

Both Uber and Lyft are burning though massive amounts of cash and have failed to achieve profits. Marchionne, 66, passed away in July after falling into a coma after complications from surgery. It was among the most impressive achievements in modern business. Ever since , Tesla had the luxury EV space all to itself.

But the picture began to change in A new Nissan Leaf arrived, Chevy continued to sell its Bolt all-electric hatchback, and major luxury names, such as Jaguar with its I-PACE, introduced premium vehicles that renounced the internal-combustion engine. Ford has had it all-new F-Series pickups in the market for a few years. Fiat Chrysler was the first big US carmaker to shift away from sedans.